Home
About Us
Contact Us
Donate
CentreNews
CentreArticles
Events
LexView
Archives
CentreBlog
CentreArticles
CentreArticles

Cultural Renewal as a possibility -- false rhetorics exposed -- critical analysis of role of religions in relation to culture and faith (both religious and non-religious) examined -- a variety of voices giving differing perspectives on the important place of religions within the public square.


Archives

posted by Rick Davis May 08, 2009
Vol 171: Religion and "Civic Virtue" in the Public School Classroom

Religion and "Civic Virtue" in the Public School Classroom: Is it "A Little" or "Lack of" Knowledge that is the Dangerous Thing for a Society?

Teachers of literature, art and music (to name but three) in universities have long lamented their students' lack of general knowledge ; they have also explicitly commented upon the lack of biblical knowledge in their students. My good friend and itinerant lecturer Dr. John Patrick (who travels the world from his home near Ottawa on behalf of the Christian Medical and Dental Society) has for many years pointed out the astonishing lack of knowledge of the Bible amongst medical students and doctors.

When a professor asks a group of students to raise their hands if they are familiar with the parable of the Good Samaritan, for example, it is now common to find, apparently, few, if any hands, raised; this in classrooms containing some of our most schooled citizens. The situation is, apparently, uniformly bad whether we are talking about the United States, Canada or the United Kingdom.

John Patrick, however, uses the lack of biblical knowledge as an example of something deeper that is missing - - a Christian culture. As a very gifted biblical teacher and committed Christian he wants medical students to find not just any faith, but the Christian faith. His goal, under the auspices of the Christian Medical and Dental Society is education, argument and learning leading to conversion - - he is unapologetic about his apologetics.

What about settings in which conversion per se is not the goal but, say, exposure? Is there some sort of middle ground in which it is better to hear about the biblical stories or other ethical stories outside of any express process of apologetics leading to conversion? Some would say "yes" to this, others "no"; this is one of the important questions facing those who are concerned about the kind of curriculum we have in public education, one which has led to the mass ignorance about which so many university and other teachers comment.

Is there a danger in reducing the Christian faith to the teaching of biblical stories cut off from claims about the truth of those stories and our responses in relation to such claims? Many thoughtful Christians believe so. They would rather not have non-Christians s teaching children what the Christian faith entails, and since public school teachers come from a wide variety of belief groups it would be best, short of using the provision of school chaplains (unlikely in the current setting) to let sleeping dogmas lie.

Faced with a choice between religion taught as an artefact severable from its lived faith in a community of co-religionists, some religious believers would echo the arguments of those separationists who believe there should be a strict wall between any public functions (such as education) and any religious teaching whatsoever.

Some years ago George Grant wrote an essay considering the question of religious education in a Canadian context, expressing a concern that religion matters precisely as a set of claims to truth and that to water these down or, worse, have them taught and explained by those who might themselves pass on their scepticism and doubt, would be worse than the alternatives.

All this is background to two very useful recent columns by literary and cultural critic (and law Professor) Stanley Fish passed along to me by my old friend Vancouver lawyer Tony Saunders. These two columns from the Opinion pages of the New York Times, place in the context of a reflection on religious truth claims, a very useful set of related questions to those I have outlined above, though Fish himself seems to believe that one cannot draw a line between the ultimate truth claims of a religion and any aspect of its "usefulness" in an educational sense.

Those columns may be found here: "Religion without Truth" http://select.nytimes.com/2007/03/31/opinion/31fishs.html?_r=1 and "Religion Without Truth Part Two" http://fish.blogs.nytimes.com/2007/04/15/religion-without-truth-part-two/?apage=2#comments

Fish argues that when any religion is taught implicitly or explicitly as but one of a variety of truths, as is necessary in the classroom, that religion is not being respected and what happens within the classroom will, by this act of bracketing, denigrate, minimalize or neutralize what goes on outside it. Here is what Fish says in his second article listed above:

‘But an academic inventorying of the competing candidates for religious truth will inevitably slight what is at stake in believing any one of them because it will treat the alternatives as objects to be thought about rather than as visions to be lived. To academicize a political topic is to deepen our knowledge of it. To academicize the truth claim of a religion is to kill it, "for the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life" (II Corinthians, 3:6)'.

Fish argues that a certain amount of biblical knowledge needs to be taught, but is also aware of the danger such minimalization offers to the bigger picture of the religious faith. He concludes his first column by asking "...if you are going to cut the heart out of something, why teach it at all?" I disagree with this way of viewing the matter. There are strong arguments for including religiously informed materials in appropriate ways in public school classrooms - - to lead learners towards the great questions that religions tackle without providing (because public school cannot properly do so) the context within which such questions must be lived to be answered.

Perhaps the question can be approached and made more concrete in this way. Let us ask this question: "Is it better that the Parable of the Good Samaritan be taught as the Parable of the Good Samaritan, one of Jesus' illustrative stories from the New Testament, to all students alongside, say, the Aesop fable of the lion freed from the net by the mouse or the story of the tortoise and the hare-- or is it better that the parable not be taught? Few would disagree with the educative value of Aesop's fables, but can we do better than these?

Is something to be gained by everyone in knowing this parable regardless of the whole religious story within which it is contained - - the claims about Jesus as the Messiah etc.? Another way of asking this would be to ask "can that parable, standing by itself, convey something sufficiently important that it should be taught as a stand- alone story or as a group of such stories from the Scriptures?" Here, of course, the same questions would also be raised about key stories from various religious traditions.

Another way of getting at the question is to ask the following: what is the content of what we might call, for shorthand, civic virtue"? Is there a basic set of widely moral and ethical concepts that we think are matters essential public education in terms of citizenship, as adding, multiplication and subtraction are to any education in mathematics? If so, do the religions contribute to this body of teachings and knowledge?

I don't see how we could answer "no" to this question if we claim to be a society in which we jointly affirm such shared notions as "justice" "wisdom" "fairness" and "tolerance", all of which require a certain sort of moral or ethical education for these terms to have any meaning, and if we are at all attentive to the history of where our basic ethical ideas have come from in countries formed within the Judeo-Christian moral tradition.

However, once we reach this point there are a series of hurdles to implementing anything "moral" or "ethical" informed by the religions not the least of which is our society's deep contemporary fear of moral language and religions today. I've referred elsewhere to this as a functional metaphobia (fear of metaphysics). We prefer fuzzy and unclear terms such as "values" to anything that might have clear content such as "virtue", yet those terms just referred to-- "justice" "wisdom" and "fairness"-- are if they are to have any meaning at all, objective and therefore teachable as moral (e.g. we "ought to do x or y") categories or we are collectively left defenceless in front of random choices organized by the more powerful wills.

The question is, then, how to teach them? And this brings us back to the kinds of stories we use and how we understand the role of religion as the richest ground for many of our stories about what is just and what is fair and what is obligatory and what is not.

We need, in short, some approach to educational principles and processes that stand, if they can, alongside religious and other ethical beliefs without denigrating them but providing some core content of "right" and "wrong" and "tolerance" so that children have a better basis upon which to base their own ethical reflections in life and make informed choices about what forms of life are best for them to live in as persons in relationships with others (not just as isolated choosers).

Is it better that the civics question "who is my neighbour and what are my duties to this neighbour?" be discussed and informed by the central story in the Christian tradition that deals with this or not? If we recognize, as I think we must, that some children will not receive basic virtues education (and the term basic here is key) in their homes and contemporary urban or suburban alienation, isn't there some basic core that public schooling should introduce for national and community reasons? Here an important point needs to be made.

The "story" of the Good Samaritan can be viewed, as practicing Christians obviously view it, as deeply theological - - a story containing much about self-sacrifice and a pre-figuring of Jesus' once and for all sacrifice of God to himself for humanity on the Cross - - and it can also be viewed as a story about how those who are "neighbours" are those who, by their actions, help others who may not be of their clan, community , race or religion. It can be taken, in other words, on several levels. To say it cannot have importance on any level because it is not being introduced for meaning on all levels seems, as the old adage had it, a bit like cutting off one's nose to spite one's face.

Both levels are important, but not all aspects may properly be the kind of expression or exploration we want or can legitimately expect in a public school classroom in which the children of atheists and agnostics sit side by side with the children of Christians, Jews, Hindus, Humanists and, perhaps, Wiccans and others (in each of which group there could be stridency of religious or non-religious belief).

So what do we do?

Well, I want to suggest that there are essentially three alternatives, three difficulties, three important contexts and three important principles that can usefully inform our thinking.

Three Alternative Approaches

1.Exclude stories that have a religious origin out of respect for religion (a kind of separation of church and state perhaps being used here both by religious and non-religious citizens);

2.Include stories from religious sources to illustrate aspects of vice and virtue considered necessary (but not by the religious as sufficient) for citizenship where various religious and non-religious believers have their children educated side by side and that it is in all their interests to have the best grounding for genuine tolerance and respect based upon a certain knowledge content regarding religious beliefs;

3.Include ethical and moral stories only from non-religious sources on the assumption that these will have wider appeal and not threaten those from any religious tradition on the grounds that none of them emanate from a religious basis, so they can be used widely. Carefully chosen fables or ethical stories might provide the ground here for common acceptance.

These three approaches raise the following three difficulties or concerns (as touched on briefly above):

Three Difficulties or Concerns

1.With respect to exclusion of all religious stories - - ignorance of other traditions and deprivation of some of the key illustrations of parable to the detriment of a richer ground for education;

2.With respect to inclusion of religious stories both a concern that the teaching of, say, a biblical story would open the door to religious indoctrination or dogmatic insistence or that inclusion of stories that contain truth-claims as if they were only stories without wider truth claims would water down or neutralize what religions believe in ways that harm religious belief in families and communities;

3.With respect to the inclusion of fables but not religious stories, and similar to the last aspect of the concern about the watering down of religious parables to "only stories" that the inclusion of fables but not religious parables elevates fable and story to a level of authenticity implicitly suggesting that religious traditions or stories are irrelevant or even less true than fables-- again, to the detriment of genuine respect for tradition. In addition, such an approach suggests, wrongly to some, that "ethics" or "morals" are religiously neutral or could arise without any reference to deity, deities or the sacred.

Since the approaches in 1, 2 or 3 above and the concerns expressed in A, B and C above may be shared equally by both religious and non-religious parents, is there any approach available that satisfies everyone or seems at least more fair than others?

I'd like to suggest that attention to several contexts and principles emerging from these provide some way forward here or at least some principles that should be kept in mind for any future initiatives.

Three Contexts and a Principle that Emerges From Each

Context One: We Live as Citizens of a Constitutional Democracy and Education is better than Ignorance

First, that as citizens in a society such as ours we recognize that our children will be living together with those educated side by side in the public school setting - - in other words, all citizens have an interest in what all children in public education are taught. Thus we would wish education rather than ignorance as a general outcome. This education must be more than just empirical fact education but moral and ethical in the widest sense (including historical) which requires some exposure to religious concepts and stories as important to morals, ethics and history.

Principle one: Inclusion of some sorts of story or parables (including religious) rather than exclusion of all is in everyone's interest.

Context Two: The Role of the State and Concerns about Parental and Community Rights:

We recognize that the State (law and politics and such public spheres as public education) does not "own" the children of its citizens but provides the means for some (but not all) forms of education for them. Both religious and non-religious parents in a public school setting do not wish the public school to be involved in religious or other forms of specific indoctrination of children. We recognize that there is no clear answer to whose religion and which version of it would be taught if we were to teach a particular religion. Would the Christian parent be happy with their child being taught about Wicca or having the truth claims of Christianity being taught by someone who was not a Christian (or a certain sort of Christian) and could not answer the most basic questions with anything like sympathy for the sometimes subtle theology underlying any particular version of the Christian (or Jewish or Hindu or Muslim) truth claims of the religion or denomination? To ask the question is to see that the answer from each perspective is "no." Religious and non-religious parents would rather the public setting was maximally respectful of their own traditions and beliefs.

Principle two: The public school classroom is not the place for public school teachers to teach about the truth claims of various religions as it would lead either to inappropriate proselytizing of beliefs not shared by the parents or insufficient care about the content of the religion so as to water down its claims to truth.

Context Three: While Public Schools are Outside of Religious and Non-religious Communities of Belief the Public System Should Be Maximally Respectful of and Encourage the Involvement of These Communities in the Drawing up of the Curriculum and in Appropriate Ways, its Delivery.

Parents and religious communities have an interest in what future citizens will know about their religions, but what the parents and religious communities (or non-religious communities such as atheists, humanists or agnostics - - if the latter have any organized communities) wish is for their religious or non-religious beliefs to be accurately described. These communities wish their children to continue within the communities and do not wish to have the public system steer their children away from family and community involvement until such time as the children are of sufficient age to make their own free and informed decisions.

Principle three: The involvement of the widest sort of religious community and non-religious community involvement in the methods and curriculum of public education in relation to civic virtue is necessary. Involvement in delivery in appropriate ways might also be encouraged.

Conclusion:

As a matter of civic urgency, the current avoidance of any systematic teaching of morals and ethics by way of key stories relating to virtues such as "courage", "wisdom", "justice" and "moderation" must cease. Where such virtues may, as each can, be illustrated by parables from the different religious traditions or non-religious fables (such as Aesop) the origin of a good story or parable in a religious context must neither be a ground for its exclusion from public education nor its being taught as a complete explanation of how the religion understands the story in context.

In other words, religious stories must clearly be stated to be "understood most deeply and coherently within the lived lives of religious communities guided by their religious beliefs and rules" but that does not mean that particular aspects (such as individual parables) have nothing to offer people outside those communities. What conclusions we are to draw from stories of all sorts is informed only in part by learning the bare rudiments appropriate to a public school setting.

What choices we make in relation to dogmatic truth claims are to be guided by our families and communities and affiliations, and cannot and should not be answered or raised in a public school setting.

What is needed in Canada is a Bill of Educational Rights and Freedoms to go along with a similar Bill of Religious Rights and Freedoms which will jointly recognize the importance and the limits of religious and non-religious beliefs in public education and the necessary role of community involvement in the important but limited role of the State in both public education and religion. Communities must be respected and each has its associational rights independent of the state.

We should not be surprised when children who have never been taught "virtue" haven't the faintest idea what "virtues" are, when children who have never been taught the great stories of our traditions (such as the central parables) cannot raise their hands with any confidence saying they know about "the Good Samaritan" or "The Prodigal Son" and what some of the meanings are in those illustrations.

We all need to ask "who is our neighbour?" and begin applying the answers to the development of richer school curricula in Canada (and elsewhere) as a matter of great cultural importance. The initiative for this might well have to come from community and national association leaders (including but not limited to the religions) in connection with provincial and federal politicians who recognize the problems herein described. Something like strategic initiatives built around principled articulations of this sort might be of great assistance alongside our developing awareness of the role played by constitutional legal developments.

When a question of such wide-spread importance as "what are the basic moral conditions of citizenship?" is or seemingly cannot be addressed in public schools and its solution would necessarily involve so many different communities and much suspicion and fear, a set of principles that recognize the importance and limits of state functions - - such as in public education, while recognizing the importance of diverse communities, is necessary to overcome the current blockages.

I hope that this short essay contributes towards the kind of conceptual clarity that leads to the sorts of civil society and legislative initiatives suggested.

Iain T. Benson©

May 5, 2009

1 By specific indoctrination I mean that where divergent matters of a belief nature are legal (such as with respect to religious or certain sexual matters to name two controversial ones) the public system must not use its powers to force acceptance of particular beliefs whether they be of a dogmatic religious or sexual nature.

2 The Canadian Constitution does not contain an equivalent provision to Section 234 of the South African Constitution (which was adopted about a decade later than the Canadian one) this provision was designed to encourage the involvement of civil society in the drafting of additional "Charters of rights" which would assist the judiciary and politicians in terms of giving detail to the more general terms of the Bill of Rights and the Constitution in that country. There is no reason why the spirit of this sort of provision could not animate comparable pieces of Canadian interpretation legislation on a federal or provincial level.



posted by Rick Davis May 01, 2009
VOL170: Opinions on Muslim Participation in Canadian Roundtables

Heritage Canukistan?
by Farzana Hassan
for IPT News
March 23, 2009

http://www.investigativeproject.org/1011/heritage-canukistan  


Things are heating up in the sweepstakes for the most incompetent department of Canadian government to face Islamic radicalism. For a while, bets were on Canada's Immigration and Refugee Board, which, for 11 years, had the president of the extremist-sympathizing Canadian Arab Federation – big on Hamas and Hizballah – on its board. His job there was to decide who was too dangerous to let into the country.


But now "Heritage Canada," a Canadian government department whose bid for the title is made with the help of the Calgary-based independent Centre for Faith and the Media (CFM) has jumped in the fray.


Heritage Canada pushes a multiculturalism agenda, and the CFM seems to be a one-employee outfit with a volunteer Board of Directors of sympathetic religious people – with one exception. Positioning itself as a link and information clearinghouse between journalists and religious communities, CFM has been decisive in moving Heritage Canada into committing blunders.


The current fiasco started when Heritage Canada funded the Centre to start something called "The Muslim Project." This initiative involves a series of cross-Canada "roundtables" prominently displaying CFM's sole paid employee, Executive Director Richelle Wiseman, as moderator. The end-product? A "study" of media portrayals of Muslims and Islam in Canada, due out within the next year or so.


Heritage Canada bureaucrats would have known something could go wrong with a Muslim-oriented project dealing with this subject if they'd only looked at a "journalist's guide" to Islam on the sponsoring CFM's website. The Islam "guide," which was pulled from the site last month, recommended that Canadian reporters seek out the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) as an authoritative source of information about Muslims and Islam. CAIR, of course, is the Washington, DC radical-Islamist organization that is funded by the Saudis and qualified by the US Justice Department as an unindicted co-conspirator in the Holy Land Foundation terrorism-financing trial. A parade of its senior officials and affiliated people has made its way into penitentiaries on criminal charges and an FBI agent testified that it was a front organization for Hamas.


“The Islam guide was copyrighted by the Council on American-Islamic Relations Canada (CAIR-CAN), the Canadian chapter of CAIR.”. It isn't clear whether Canadian bureaucrats were confused by CAIR-CAN's usual disinformation about "distancing" itself from CAIR – which then-CAIR-CAN Chair Sheema Khan acknowledged in a sworn December 2003 affidavit was her chapter's mother organization. No one can figure out whether Heritage Canada and the Centre for Faith and the Media "interfaithers" knew that CAIR-CAN refuses to name and condemn the Hamas, Hizballah and other killers placed by Canada's own government on a list of banned terror groups. Or that CAIR-CAN is a defendant in a 9/11 New York lawsuit. Or that CAIR – including CAIR-CAN – had been responsible for all-out attacks, through the use of "silencing" libel lawsuits, on the constitutional rights of virtually any Canadian and American media that dared to ask about the organizations' links and agendas. This looks like a pretty weak "partner" for a Centre that aims to help the media.


Much worse was to follow, and it indeed appears that the CFM's Muslim Project might be substantially in the hands of those who would be most reviled by moderate members of the very Canadian faith community in whose name the Centre hopes to work. A review of available roundtable announcements and other evidence, for example, makes the case. One gets the impression that an intimate and symbiotic relationship seems to have developed between the well-meaning, but apparently unaware CFM, and CAIR-CAN.


One example suffices. Among several public roundtables featuring CAIR-CAN operatives was a "media training" session in Montreal. The event consisted of the CFM Executive Director as moderator, and three panelists: CAIR-CAN Executive Director Ihsaan Gardee, Sameer Zuberi – somewhat misleadingly advertised in one source as a human rights advocate and student – and a cleric named Sikander Hashmi. Elsewhere, Zuberi was better known only weeks before as CAIR-CAN's communications coordinator and "human rights" advocate. Meanwhile, Hashmi was described as a "freelance journalist and Imam"; his very few internet articles include one slavishly quoting from a CAIR-CAN communications officer ... Sameer Zuberi. There couldn't have been much for CFM moderator Wiseman to "moderate" as she sat in the middle of this hard-line trio.


Add to this the fact that the sole Muslim Director on the CFM Board was Nova Scotia-based Dr. Jamal Badawi – or had been until the entire list of CFM board members was yanked and "went to black" on about March 17, 2009, as rumours of strange links had the Centre in a swirl. There is also the disturbing fact that Badawi is an unindicted co-conspirator in the Holy Land trial, as is the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), on whose executive he sits. He has also been on the board of directors of CAIR-CAN.


This mess has several serious implications.


First, under cover of a multi-religious, if essentially Christian institute, CAIR-CAN is being permitted to project itself as "moderate." Its representatives pontificate as "Muslim leaders" – to use CFM's website terminology – at taxpayer-supported public roundtables that even include media representatives of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and Canadian Television Network. With roundtables targeting journalists and journalism schools, Heritage Canada, through the CFM, is inadvertently allowing the Canadian wing of a US unindicted co-conspirator to groom the present and future generation of journalists. In the process, they are squeezing off the stage those few moderate Canadian Muslims who have been determined enough to stand up to the CAIR-CANs and ISNAs of North America.


Second, the Wahabbi lobby, of which CAIR-CAN and ISNA are prominent members, has led in radical and unjustified efforts to portray Canadian Muslims as victims of mass-prejudice and bigotry. Ignoring the objections of the moderate Muslim Canadian Congress and solid law-enforcement statistics that refute such advocacy, these organizations push this destructive myth, regardless of the resulting risk to social cohesion, of alienating Muslim youth, of undermining security and quieting responsible debate about extremism. Needless to say, such claims are used to rationalize emotional and never-ending demands for state-sponsored privileges that are rightly withheld from other religious communities.


It is a good guess that CAIR-CAN's endgame is a Centre for Faith and the Media "study" that certifies, once and for all, the truth of the contrived word "Islamophobia" and the victimhood of Canadian Muslims – particularly at the hands of media. This outcome would put further pressure on journalists to watch their step, especially in the context of Canada's free speech-repressing "human-rights" commissions whose excesses have been revealed in the Maclean's - Mark Steyn case. Maclean's, Canada's leading newsmagazine, found itself under siege for publishing an excerpt from Mark Steyn's bestselling America Alone. The radical Canadian Islamic Congress laid formal complaints before human rights commissions in various Canadian jurisdictions, multiplying the costs to the magazine of defending – successfully, as it turned out – against this doubtful use of quasi-judicial administrative systems.


Consistent with attempts of the international Organization of Islamic Conference to impose, through the United Nations, worldwide Sharia blasphemy norms, an Islamist-influenced CFM report would set the stage for further attempts to bring Canadian reporters and others into line.


Thus might Heritage Canada's government money and an unsuspecting media center be maneuvered to constrain media freedom and the free flow of ideas. It might even bring a reprise of the embarrassing – and one hopes, long dead – immediate post-9/11 experience of watching members of the tactless Royal Canadian Mounted Police National Security outreach unit, completely unschooled in issues of radical Islam, quoting in public briefings from CAIR-CAN's own deceptive "victimhood" material.


There are also implications, here, for citizens' ability to rely on well-meaning religious and quasi-religious institutions in interfaith matters. For the most part, the CFM board that has overseen these developments has consisted of a range of distinguished, highly-intelligent and honourable Canadians, from former Alberta legislator Jocelyn Burgener and respected Calgary Herald journalist Licia Corbella, to religion writer Joe Woodard and the Canadian Readers Digest's Peter Stockland. But, in the end, the organization has been used as a welcome mat for radical Islamism.


Neither is Heritage Canada or the Centre for Faith and the Media alone. Canada's Manning Centre, another respected institution, scurried along to join the post-9/11 penchant for interfaith outreach. Led by conservative political icon Preston Manning, but without apparent familiarity with difficult Islamist issues, the Manning Centre established an interfaith unit that stumbled. At last report, the Manning Centre had given a special place in its consultations to associates of the Islamic Society of North America, and the resulting embarrassment cannot be far behind.


Given current trends in the Canadian government and NGO sector, there will be a great deal of embarrassment to go around.


Farzana Hassan is a Toronto-based freelance writer and author of "Prophecy and the Fundamentalist Quest." She is the former president of the Muslim Canadian Congress, an organization representing progressive and secular Muslims. She can be reached at farzanahassan@gmail.com.

Iain Benson's Response

Dear Farzana Hassan:

I don't believe we have met.  I found your article "Heritage Canukistan" for IPT News March 23, 2009, passed on to me by a friend, dealing with the Centre for Faith and Media (CFM) and the Manning Centre etc. most interesting and very well written. 

My question is this:  are you saying that no one with any connection to the groups you mention should be part of any round-table or, a very different point, that the round-tables are insufficiently inclusive of necessary counter-opinions? 

Your answer to this question is a critical one.  In Canada at the moment with ignorance about the nature of so many Islamic associations being, as you noted, wide-spread, I  would favour discussions and the airing of "dodgy connections" rather than leaving such things hidden.  In particular I think that involving more rather than fewer "muslim spokespersons" would do everyone good.

As a lawyer myself acting on inter-faith coalition cases in the past (the Same-sex marriage litigation for example) we asked around about Muslim involvement in the cases (already having Christian groups well represented, Hindus and Sikhs and some Jewish involvement) but the name we were given was that of Abdulla Idris Ali.   He is now identified with one of the groups on your list of bad actors.  Nothing in his affidavit would be of concern, I would think, to orthodox (conservative) Muslims but the fact remains- - we did not know who was properly representative with respect to "the Muslim voice" on such an important issue.

Here is the make up of the Affiants for our side of the case for your interest and you will see Abdulla Idris Ali listed:


Affidavits on behalf of the “Interfaith Coalition” in the “same-sex marriage” litigations, for example, were filed on behalf of Judaism (Rabbi and University of Toronto political theorist David Novak), Roman Catholicism (Professor Ernest Caparros, professor of Canon law at the University of Ottawa and Professor Daniel Cere, Catholic political theorist at McGill University), Islam (Abdulla Idris Ali, Past President of the Islamic Society of North America), and Evangelical Protestantism (Professor Craig Gay of Regent College).  In each case, focus of the affidavits were: the teachings of the religious perspective with reference to the nature and place of marriage, the need for respect for the other groups and citizens irrespective of their sexual orientations, and concerns about where a reconfigured constitutional norm would place the religious groups themselves. On appeal, various “reformed” religious groups appeared in an effort to counter the traditional religious voices.

My point is this.  If one is going to involve Islam (widely construed) in discussions of citizenship, constitutional litigation or what have you, one is necessarily going to have to recognize the splits, divisions and differing perspectives within the communities that make it up in Canada.   As information becomes available from reliable sources, that connect in ways we can know to be reliable, information that certain people or groups are connected with those who advocate terrorism, then such people and groups should be identified and de-legitimized where they seek cover from legitimate projects of whatever sort.  I think we can agree on that.

We should never knowingly or naively support terrorists or their fellow-travellers.

You do recognize, however, that this process of learning what groups are legitimate and what ones (often with wide sounding representative names) are not takes time and is not the easiest process for "outsiders."  Yet it is the "outsiders" in many cases who wish to see a genuine discussion furthered for the good of Canadian citizenship and the common-good.

In this respect your work as an investigative journalist is very important and you quite rightly pointed out the fact that the people and groups you mention may well have made some false steps due to lack of knowledge of the deeper waters in the Muslim communities in Canada.  I don't think they would deny that and would want, in fact, more accurate assistance going forward.

In addition, my first question remains; should we involve wider discussions with a wide variety of groups so as to best show the diversity of viewpoints in Canada?  That is the approach I would favour but I am looking forward to hearing back from you on this.

I'd like to keep this dialogue going and hope you will be part of round-tables in the future as you obviously add an important and civil perspective to an area that frequently discourses at too high a volume for anyone to hear what is being said.

Sincerely,

Iain Benson


posted by Rick Davis April 23, 2009
VOL169: Jeffrey Stout's Address to the American Academy of Religion, commented on by Iain Benson

How Secularism Creates the very Dangers of Theocracy it Wishes Eradicated


In his 2007 presidential address to the American Academy of Religion,1  Princeton’s Jeffrey Stout took issue with what he called “the Folly of Secularism” by reviewing some of the arguments against religion by leading atheists Richard Rorty and Sam Harris (The End of Faith: Religion, Terror, and the Future of Reason; London, Free Press, 2005).  He points out that, in their implicit (Rorty) or aggressively secularist (Harris) versions, il-liberalism of atheists will contribute to a possible il-liberalism of a certain kind of theocrat.


We have commented in articles on the Centre’s website before on the atheistic fundamentalism of Sam Harris, so we will not repeat those arguments here.  In this fine article Professor Stout asks three questions of Rorty:


1) If part of the long-term objective [of Rorty and other atheistic theocrats] is the eradication of theism, how is this to be accomplished, assuming that most theists are not about to change their minds?
2) If the stop-gap measure is to keep theists from acting on the apparent political implications of their religious beliefs, how is that to be accomplished?
3) If the Jeffersonian compromise [religion is tolerated only in so far as it steers clear of politics] is to be enforced, what are the means of enforcement going to be and how are they supposed to be squared with such democratic ideals as freedom of religion and freedom of conscience?


Stout says that Rorty has no answer for these questions and appears to allow the power of mere persuasion to be what democratic secularists will use to limit the place of religion.  It is not so for Harris.


Like Rorty, Sam Harris hopes that eventually religion will wither away due to their inherent incoherence and intolerance.  Harris proposes, in Stout’s words, that, like Lenin, “...until the day when [religious] faith gives way to reason, an enlightened avant garde must rule on the people’s behalf.” 


The power in Stout’s  insight is that Harris and other atheistic theocrats actually build the very atmosphere of extremist opposition from religion they say is normative for religion because the radical atheists allow no fair place for public religion. 


Though, sadly pock-marked by a failure to properly recognize the “faith-based” dimension of the “secular” and his ready use of categories such as “non-believers” or people who are “secular minded” (which we have long argued are errors - -everyone being a believer in something and the “secular” being a realm of competing beliefs not susceptible to a kind of “mind”), Stout succeeds in showing that the democratic freedom of the United States depends upon the failure of the kind of atheistic theocracy or anti-liberal atheism called for by Rorty or Harris and their kind.  


In this observation Stout shares the kind of insight of English philosopher John Gray regarding the anti-liberal tendencies of “convergence liberalism” which assumes we should all be brought to agreement on legally contestable matters by the dual forces of law and politics pushing us  to a “one-size fits all” conception of the public sphere – an approach anti-thetical to meaningful pluralism, diversity or a rich understanding of multi-culturalism.


Ironically, therefore, it is the anti-religious secularism of those such as Rorty and Harris that will, in their il-liberalism, prompt the very sort of religious responses that they fear by driving moderate religious believers in a more extremist direction, only this time, theocratic secularism will be hand in hand with the very theocratic religion it rejects.   Only by allowing for genuine religious liberty in the public sphere will a more liberal form of religious belief be encouraged and the more aggressive forms of atheism held in check.

Iain T. Benson ©
April 23, 2009


1 Jeffrey Stout "2007 Presidential Address: the Folly of Secularism" Journal of the American Academy of Religion (September 2008, Volume 76, Issue 3, pp.533 - 544.


Copyright © 2010 Centre for Cultural Renewal.

Powered by NCOL.